Introduction
In Malaysia, the process of drawing or delineation of electoral
constituencies is done by the Election Commission (EC) which is supposed to be
independent and enjoys public confidence[1]. The delineation of electoral constituencies is supposed to be in an equal and proportionate manner where the number voters in all of the electoral
constituencies are almost the same. However, this is the opposite of what is happening in Malaysia, resulting in what we called
malapportionment.
Malapportionment simply means the unequal or uneven number of voters in one constituency and another constituency which creates an uneven playing field for political parties in what should be clean and fair election in accordance to international standards. Malapportionment makes it unfair for voters in larger constituencies as their votes are not equal to those of smaller constituencies as well as it is unfair for political parties which contest in bigger constituencies.
Another element to consider is gerrymandering which is defined as the drawing of electoral constituencies to benefit one particular party, usually the ruling government. There has been long standing allegations of gerrymandering occurring in Malaysia. As a result, we see the real life example of how non-Barisan Nasional (BN) parties have to work harder to win more votes to get one seat as compared to BN.
Malapportionment simply means the unequal or uneven number of voters in one constituency and another constituency which creates an uneven playing field for political parties in what should be clean and fair election in accordance to international standards. Malapportionment makes it unfair for voters in larger constituencies as their votes are not equal to those of smaller constituencies as well as it is unfair for political parties which contest in bigger constituencies.
Another element to consider is gerrymandering which is defined as the drawing of electoral constituencies to benefit one particular party, usually the ruling government. There has been long standing allegations of gerrymandering occurring in Malaysia. As a result, we see the real life example of how non-Barisan Nasional (BN) parties have to work harder to win more votes to get one seat as compared to BN.
From the Merdeka Constitution to the current Federal
Constitution
In 1957 when Malaysia achieved its independence
the provision regarding delineation of electoral constituencies was fair in the
sense it allowed only a maximum variance of 15% for the size of an electoral constituency
to the size of the average constituency of a particular state. The EC was
independent in conducting its delineation process and was uninfluenced by the
Prime Minister (PM) in the Dewan Rakyat in its process[2].
This later drove the Alliance Government in 1960 to amend the Constitution to release the Chairman of the EC but it failed. It was later in 1962, when the Constitution was amended to take away that safeguard and allow rural weightage to be changed so that urban constituencies can be double the size of the rural seat. The amendment also annulled the 1960 delineation retrospectively[3] and in effect the EC now has to submit its redelineation report to the PM for the Dewan Rakyat to approve and the PM has the right to make necessary modifications.
It was later in 1973 where the limit was removed altogether leaving no safeguard to the way electoral constituencies are delineated. This would result in the drawing of electoral boundaries at the discretion of the EC. In this case, a fully independent EC would not create any problems when drawing the electoral boundaries. The main concern is that what happens when the EC is not independent and not impartial. In reality, the EC draws the electoral boundaries to benefit a certain political party to help them win more seats. This is, as earlier stated, gerrymandering.
This later drove the Alliance Government in 1960 to amend the Constitution to release the Chairman of the EC but it failed. It was later in 1962, when the Constitution was amended to take away that safeguard and allow rural weightage to be changed so that urban constituencies can be double the size of the rural seat. The amendment also annulled the 1960 delineation retrospectively[3] and in effect the EC now has to submit its redelineation report to the PM for the Dewan Rakyat to approve and the PM has the right to make necessary modifications.
It was later in 1973 where the limit was removed altogether leaving no safeguard to the way electoral constituencies are delineated. This would result in the drawing of electoral boundaries at the discretion of the EC. In this case, a fully independent EC would not create any problems when drawing the electoral boundaries. The main concern is that what happens when the EC is not independent and not impartial. In reality, the EC draws the electoral boundaries to benefit a certain political party to help them win more seats. This is, as earlier stated, gerrymandering.
The current Federal Constitution provides
for several principles for the delineation of electoral constituencies. Among
many, the delineated constituency must not cross State boundaries and State
Constituencies must not cross Federal Constituencies[4], the
presence of administrative facilities to facilitate registration and polling
machines[5], equal
number of electors in constituencies taking into account the difficulty of
reaching electors in rural constituencies and the measuring of weightage to be
given to such constituencies[6] and
finally the inconvenience of attendants on the alteration of constituencies and
the maintenance of local ties[7]. Despite these principles, without the 15%
safeguard as stipulated in the Merdeka Constitution these would seem
useless as they serve only as guidelines and not rules for the EC in the
delineation process. As such we now see electoral boundaries drawn so unfairly
and unequal with seats like Putrajaya which have only 15,800 voters
approximately amounts to one Parliamentary seat while Kapar with 144,000 voters
also form one Parliamentary seat.
So where does the one man, one vote and one value concept comes in? Definitely not in Malaysia.
So where does the one man, one vote and one value concept comes in? Definitely not in Malaysia.
Delineation Process
The
EC is empowered to make recommendations for constituencies delineation by
informing the Speaker of the Dewan Rakyat and the PM and shall publish in the
Gazette and in at least one newspaper of their recommendations for the public
to inspect[8] and
any representation or objection with respect to the recommendation can be made
within one month from date of the publication of such notice. The
recommendation which is made by the EC can be objected by the State Government
or local authority whose area is wholly or partly comprised in the
constituencies affected[9]
or by a hundred or more persons whose names are on the current electoral roll
of the constituency in question[10].
The EC shall then conduct a local enquiry in those constituencies. Any objection
or representation to the EC’s recommendation must be made within one month from
the publication of the notice of the recommendation, in which case the EC shall
publish again a notice on the revised original recommendation with the same
requirements of the original publication[11]. There shall be no more than two local
inquiries held by the EC in the respective constituencies.
After the completion of the procedure of the recommendation, the EC shall submit a report on the constituency showing that the constituencies they recommend that each unit of review should be divided in order to give effect to the principles set out in section 2[12] and the names by which they recommend that those constituencies shall be known[13]. The report would be submitted to the PM to be presented to the Dewan Rakyat with a draft Order to be made. The draft Order must receive votes from more than one half of the total number of members of the Dewan Rakyat before the PM submits the draft order to the Yang Di-Pertuan Agong. His Majesty shall then make an Order based on the draft submitted to him by the PM and it will only come into effect after the next dissolution of Parliament or Assembly[14].
After the completion of the procedure of the recommendation, the EC shall submit a report on the constituency showing that the constituencies they recommend that each unit of review should be divided in order to give effect to the principles set out in section 2[12] and the names by which they recommend that those constituencies shall be known[13]. The report would be submitted to the PM to be presented to the Dewan Rakyat with a draft Order to be made. The draft Order must receive votes from more than one half of the total number of members of the Dewan Rakyat before the PM submits the draft order to the Yang Di-Pertuan Agong. His Majesty shall then make an Order based on the draft submitted to him by the PM and it will only come into effect after the next dissolution of Parliament or Assembly[14].
First-Pass-The-Post System
In Malaysia, we practice the conventional First-Pass-The-Post
(FPTP) System where the winner of the highest number of votes wins the
particular seat. In this system, it is paramount that the translation of votes
into number of seats is fairly equated if not it would not only taint the
election results but the whole process of democracy itself.
The defect of this system in Malaysia is that it is always disproportionate because the translation of votes to number of seats is uneven among political parties. The largest party wins more seats than the smaller parties although the votes received by the smaller parties are more than that of the largest. Hence it would be fair to say that the FPTP awards a more than proportional share of seats to the largest party and a less proportional share of seats to the other parties[15]. The non-proportionality increases the share of the legislative majority of the governing party and creates a more stable and stronger government[16]. Due to this disparity we now see the ruling coalition having 133 Parliament Seat with only a 47% popular vote. Among this 133 seats, the 112 seats won by BN amounts to 2,189,599 votes which is 16.5% of the 13,268,200 votes cast nationwide[17].
The defect of this system in Malaysia is that it is always disproportionate because the translation of votes to number of seats is uneven among political parties. The largest party wins more seats than the smaller parties although the votes received by the smaller parties are more than that of the largest. Hence it would be fair to say that the FPTP awards a more than proportional share of seats to the largest party and a less proportional share of seats to the other parties[15]. The non-proportionality increases the share of the legislative majority of the governing party and creates a more stable and stronger government[16]. Due to this disparity we now see the ruling coalition having 133 Parliament Seat with only a 47% popular vote. Among this 133 seats, the 112 seats won by BN amounts to 2,189,599 votes which is 16.5% of the 13,268,200 votes cast nationwide[17].
Proposed Solutions
Despite
all the freedom given to the EC to make the recommendations on delineation
exercise there still exist Constitutional safeguards in the form of 2/3
majority vote in Parliament to amend the number of Parliamentary seats in each
States as well as amendment to State Constitution when State seats are
concerned. However several proposals need to be made in order to improve the
current delineation process.
Firstly,
let us look from the legislative perspective. We would need that very important
Constitutional safeguard whereby constituency size in terms of number of voters
cannot vary more than 15% from the average constituency in a particular state.
To do so we would have to amend the Constitution to bring back that safeguard
we once had in 1957 which is in the Merdeka Constitution. This requires
legislative reforms in Parliament by bi-partisan support from both the ruling
coalition as well as the opposition coalition to vote for that amendment bill.
Only with a 2/3 majority vote from the Dewan Rakyat can enable the
Constitutional amendment bill to be put through. Besides that, the EC must be
independent and free from interference from the PM or the Dewan Rakyat in its
delineation process as provided in the Merdeka Constitution.
Secondly,
we would need to look at institutional reform in the EC. We all know that in
order to play an effective role, the commissioners must truly be independent
and impartial. They must not be affiliated with any political parties to ensure
they are able to execute their duties without fear or favour. We have seen allegations
that the Chairman and Deputy Chairman of the EC are also members of the United
Malays National Organisation (UMNO) and the Chairman and his Deputy admitted that
they could have been members of UMNO before but were inactive members[18].
In order to ensure a truly independent commission, only commissioners who are
not affiliated to any political parties are allowed to be appointed hence it
must be put into true effect Article 114 (2) where election commissioners appointed
enjoys public confidence. Only with a truly impartial EC can the Election Laws
be properly enforced and most importantly the electoral constituencies can be
fairly delineated.
Thirdly,
the Electoral Roll must also be clean and free from phantom voters. The courts
must be able to review the Electoral Roll gazetted to ensure that phantom
votes do not skew the election results like what happened in the Likas case[19].
There must be no delineation exercise until the Electoral Roll is reformed to
ensure clean and fair elections to be held. If the courts do not allow the
review of the EC’s decision to gazette the Electoral Roll it would amount to
the court condoning electoral fraud[20].
Finally,
the EC should look into other types of electoral system such as the
Proportionate Representation (PR) system. Of course, a change in system comes
together with its pros and cons. However, hybrid systems can be adopted by
picking the good features of one particular system together with other good
features from other systems. This new system would have to represent the will
of the people in a proportionate manner with a balanced number of voters among
constituencies.
Conclusion
The
lessons from the 13th General Elections should be an awakening for
every one of us. Gerrymandering must be stopped at all costs in order to create
an equal level playing field for all political parties. Also, the drawing of electoral
boundaries to tip the scales in the favour of any party must be prevented in
the future. The effect of unequal number of voters in constituencies does not
only breach the equality clause in human rights but also creates an unfair
situation as if voters in smaller constituencies’ votes have higher value than
those from bigger constituencies. Therefore, it is paramount that the delineation in its effect must represent
the will of the people in the form of equally represented constituencies to
enable the proper translation of votes into number of seats for the political
parties. The rakyat must always be aware of their rights and the current
affairs of the country to discourage any hanky-panky from the authorities. As a final word, should any constituency redelineation be conducted prior to the aforementioned reforms there will
definitely be a strong protest from the rakyat and that is a call the government
should heed if it considers ours a modern, democratic society.
Vince Tan
Edited by Chong Yu Cheng
---------------------------------------------
[1] Article 114 (2) of the Federal
Constitution
[2] Yong, Andrew (2013), Malapportionment & Gerrymandering - What
Can We Do About It, LoyarBurok, pg 1
[3]
Yong, Andrew (2013), A History of
Malapportionment : How BN can win 59.9% seats with 46.7% Votes, LoyarBurok, pg
1
[4] Thirteenth Schedule Part I 2(a) of
the Federal Constitution
[5] Ibid 2(b)
[6] Ibid 2(c)
[7] Ibid 2(d)
[8]
Thirteenth Schedule Part II Procedure for Delimitation of Constituencies 4(a)
(b)
[9] Ibid 5(a)
[10]
Ibid 5(b)
[11] Ibid 7
[12] Ibid 8(a)
[13] Ibid 8(b)
[14] Ibid 12
[15]
2005 UK General election results
[16] Hong Hai, Lim (2011), Reducing
Unfairness in the Delineation of Electoral Constituencies, USM: Memorandum
Submitted to the Parliamentary Select Committee on Electoral Reform
[17] C.W. Lam (2013), Gerrymandering : We can do something about it!, The Rocket: Kuala
Lumpur, September Issue
[18] http://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/nation/2012/04/27/ec-bosses-admit-being-umno-members/
[19] Successful challenge of the
Electoral Roll in court which pended the Government to introduce Section 9A of
the Election Act to oust the court’s jurisdiction to question the Electoral
Roll once publish by the EC on the Government Gazette
[20] Gurdial Singh Nijar, Chief
Prosecutor of the Legal Team of the BERSIH’s People Tribunal
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